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INTRODUCTION
PHOTOS
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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THE STORY OF THE WILMINGTON, N.C., RACE
RIOTS
BY COL. ALFRED M. WADDELL
Leader of the Reform Movement
and now Revolutionary Mayor of Wilmington
MY ACTIVE connection
with what has been termed the Revolutionary Government commenced when the
Campaign Committee called upon me to make a speech stating my views; and
I would like to say, in this connection, that some of the daily press representatives
who have given an account of my speech selected two paragraphs standing
alone. They came to the conclusion that I was a violent revolutionist.
I said in my speech:
"If there should be
a race conflict here (which God forbid!), the first men who should be held
to strict accountability are the white leaders, who would be chiefly responsible,
and the work should begin at the top of the list. I scorn to leave any
doubt as to whom I mean by that phrase. I mean the Governor of this State,
who is the engineer of all the deviltry and meanness."
That is one part of
the speech. I also said:
"We will not live under
these intolerable conditions. No society can stand it. We intend to change
it, if we have to choke the current of the Cape Fear River with carcasses."
That is the other paragraph
wich some of the press representatives took out. All the rest of the speech,
which was chiefly a statement of facts, was omitted. Those paragraphs,
disconnected from the text, were sent out as my speech.
When the crisis came,
there was a universal demand that I should take charge. Last week, at the
mass meeting, they made me chairman by acclamation, and also chairman of
the Citizens' Committee of Twenty-five.
Demand was made for
the negroes to reply to our ultimatum to them, and teir reply was delayed
or sent astray (whether purposely or not, I do not know), and that caused
all the trouble. The people came to me. Although two other men were in
command, they demanded that I should lead them.
I took my Winchester
rifle, assumed my position at the head of the procession, and marched to
the "Record" office. We designed merely to destroy the press. i took a
couple of men to the door, when our demand to open was not answered, and
burst it in. Not I personally, for I have not the strength, but those with
me did it.
We wrecked the house.
I believe that the fire which occurred was purely accidental; it certainly
was unintentional on our part. I say smoke issuing from the top story.
Some one said the house was afire. I could not believe it. There were a
number of kerosene oil lamps hanging round. They were thrown down and smashed,
and the kerosene ran over the floor. It is poosible that some fellow set
it afire with a match. Immediately there were shouts when the fire occurred.
"Stop that fire! Put
it out! This won't do at all!"
I at once ahd the fire
alarm bell rung. We saved the wooden buildings next to the "Record" office,
and soon had the fire out.
I then marched the column
back through the streets down to the armory, lined them up, and stood on
the stoop and made a speech to them. I said:
"Now you have performed the duty which
you called on me to lead you to perform. now let us go quietly to our homes,
and about our business, and obey the law, unless we are forced, in self-defense,
to do other wise." I came home, On about an hour, or less time, the trouble
commenced over in the other end of town, by the negroes starting to come
over here. I was not there at the time. I was here in this part of town.
But we began immediately to turn out and prepare. And right here I want
to say this about my part: I never dreamed the time would come when I would
lead a mob. But I want to say, too, a United States Army officer, a prominent
man, was here, and saw the whole performance. He said:
"I never witnessed anything
like this before. It is the most orderly performance I ever witnessed!"
Then they got seven
of the negro leaders, brought them downtown, and put them in jail. I had
been elected mayor by that time. It was certainly the strangest performance
in American history, though we literally followed the law, as the Fusionists
made it themselves. There has not been a single illegal act committed in
the change of government. Simply, the old board went out, and the new board
came in -- strictly according to law. In regard to those men who had been
brought to the jail a crowd said that they intended to destroy them; that
they were the leaders, and that they were going to take the men out of
the jail.
I ordered a force of
military around the jail. I said to the people:
"My position has been
radically changed. I am now a sworn officer of the law. That jail and those
people must have protection."
I went out and appealed
to the people in different parts of the town. They realized the situation
and told me I was right, and that they would stand by me.
I stayed up the whole
night myself, and the forces stayed up all night, and we saved those wretched
creatures' lives.
I waited until next
morning at nine o'clock and then I made the troops form a hollow square
in front of the jail. We placed the scoundrels in the midst of the square
and marched them to the railroad station. I bought and gave them tickets
to Richmond, and told them to go and to never show up again. That bunch
were all negroes. Then they had taken other fellows that they sent out,
and had them somewhere protected. They took them under guard to another
train -- there were three whites in that party -- and sent them off also.
Rumors fly here and
there that the negroes are arming. There is no truth in that. They are
utterly cowed and crushed, and are not going to interfere with anybody.
I have sent messengers of both races out into the surrounding woods, where,
it is said, fugitives are in hiding, begging the people to come back to
their homes, and to rest assured they will be protected in their persons
and property. A great many have come in, and I expect more will come to-night.
The negroes here have
always professed to have faith in me. When I made the speech in the Opera
House they were astounded. One of the leaders said:
"My God! when so conservative
a man as Colonel Waddell talks about filling the river with dead niggers,
I
want to get out of town!"
Since this trouble many
negroes have come to me and said they are glad I have taken charge. I said:
"Never a hair of your
heads will be harmed. I will dispense justice to you as I would to the
first man in the community. I will try to discharge my duty honestly and
impartially."
No one knows better
than I that this has been a serious matter, but it has, like all such affairs,
its humorous side. After the crisis had passed, an old negro came complaining
to me about his jack-knife which he wanted me to get back for him. It seems
it had been taken from him during the fracas. Then another negro came,
complaining that some cattle had been penned up, and he wanted them "tu'nd
loose."
The pendulum swing from
the most tragic incidents to the most trivial. I have been bombarded with
every kind of petition and complaint, both for protection against imaginary
trouble, and for what I consider would be persecution -- that spirit of
cruelty that a revolution always develops; people who want to gratify their
animosity and personal spite.
As to the government
we have established, it is a perfectly legal one. The law, passed by the
Republican Legislature itself, ahs been complied with. There was no intimidation
used in the establishment of the present city government. The old government
had become satisfied of their inefficiency and utterly helpless imbecility,
and believed if they did not resign they woudl be run out of town . . .
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